"The world breaks everyone and afterward many are strong at the broken places. But those that will not break it kills. It kills the very good and the very gentle and the very brave impartially. If you are none of these you can be sure it will kill you too but there will be no special hurry."

Ernest Hemingway, A Farewell to Arms


"I personally knew two Men of those “who will not break” and they happened to be Presidents of Georgia and Chechen Republic Ichkeria. They calmly welcomed certain death as a prize for their struggle..."

My Son, FB - post




Zviad Gamsakhurdia’s Visit to Europe


Nov 23 – Dec 17 1992



During the exile of legal Georgian Government in Chechenia, the urge for President Gamsakhurdia’s appearance in Europe was constantly in the air. Such a visit would attract the attention to the tragic events in Georgia, would help to cover them more objectively and break through the informational blockade around exiled Government, to at least partially neutralize a well-orchestrated misinformation campaign that has been conducted against it. To achieve this from Grozny seemed absolutely unrealistic, because since Johar Dudaev’s victorious election, Grozny itself was effectively isolated by Moscow, with Western media access having been reduced to virtually nothing. In turn, western media sources themselves were not demonstrating any special attempts to penetrate, mostly operating by worn out, but convenient cliches of “democrat Yeltsin” and “outlaw Dudaev”. To paint the whole picture, one should add here the background of permanent provocations, organized by Russia directly or by internal ‘opposition’ consisting overwhelmingly from Moscow’s fifth column elements. Situation was extremely explosive.

Zviad Gamsakhurdia’s least intent was to leave Chechenia for a safer place (as it is clearly seen from further developments of this story). There were two reasons for that: First – to be in Chechenia almost meant to be in Georgia, physically and mentally; Second – Zviad’s presence in Chechenia, due to his reputation and influence, was a great support for Chechens themselves, raising their morale in struggle against the common enemy and causing unprecedented revival of the spirit of Caucasian unity, almost quenched under two hundred years of Russian imperial rule. Therefore – only a short term visit was a matter of consideration.

First, failed attempt of this kind took place in the summer of 1992, when Georgia’s admittance to the OSCE came to agenda. It was planned on Helsinki Summit in July. Shortly before the summit OSCE observer mission (chairman – Eikenson (Belgium)) arrived to Georgia, observed the situation established after ‘democratic revolution’ through the windows of the banquet hall of Krtsanisi governmental guest-house in Tbilisi, and then traveled to the western Georgia, where they refused to meet the relatives (mostly – the mourning mothers of the young people killed) of the victims of the ‘Mkhedrioni’ (Shevardnadze- Ioselini paramilitary gang) punitive raids. Chairman called it ‘a show, which would have no impact on the general impression.’

Simultaneously, two middle-level diplomats from Czechoslovakia Moscow embassy, Milan Tokar and Iozef Vrobeca – both Slovaks – arrived to Grozny to meet President Gamsakhurdia (Czechoslovakia was Chairman of OSCE in 1992). Zviad described in great detail the military coup, which took place in Georgia and the situation that resulted from it, showed them abundant video materials of violent dispersals and shootings of peaceful rallies in Tbilisi, as well as‘Mkhedrioni’ raids in western Georgia, which visitors watched with almost demonstrative indifference. Zviad Gamsakhurdia categorically stated, that OSCE mission conclusion would be incomplete and one-sided without meeting legitimate President and Parliament, who had not resigned and still were functioning in exile (for that moment the session of the exiled Parliament had already been held in Grozny – a fact which hardly has another precedent in history, when exiled parliament gathered in another country). Slovaks replied, that OSCE mission to Georgia was extremely interested in that kind of meeting, but it was impossible to organize it, because it was practically impossible to get from Georgia to Grozny.

Zviad in their presence called Johar Dudaev and asked him if there was any possibility to bring the Mission from western Georgia to Grozny. Literary several minutes later Dudaev called back and said that Kyiv-Grozny regular flight was ready to land in Sokhumi airport in one hour’s time, in order to bring the mission, which was there at the time, directly to Grozny.

Slovaks lost the face and were forced to call the mission in Georgia to receive formal refusal to fly to Chechenia, which didn’t surprise anyone. This was followed by ‘we know everything, but sometimes circumstances are stronger that truth’ gibberish.

I brought these two diplomats to Shamil Beno - then foreign minister of the Chechen Republic. Chechens considered all rare foreign contact possibilities very valuable at that time – by absolutely understandable reasons. The diplomats listened to Beno’s information with stone faces. The meeting dragged on, until one of them whispered to me sarcastically: ‘I suppose there is no notion of protocol in Caucasus.’ I answered, that respect to guest here is higher than any protocol and nobody would 'bring a broom in'. To a mutual relief, the meeting ended soon afterwards.

It is not difficult to picture the scandal, that would follow Gamsakhurdia’s appearance on Helsinki Summit simultaneously with ‘Military Council” Chairman Shevardnadze. Despite energetic efforts of Aila Niinimaa-Keppo - the Chairman of Finnish-Georgian Society - and Heikki Riihijarvi - the member of the Parliament of Finland, Finnish Government not only refused to invite Gamsakhurdia officially, as the legitimate President, but even denied him a private/individual visa - decision doubtlessly going far beyond the competence of the government of a small, even independent country, like Finland. As a result, the most disgraceful and ridiculous page in the history of OSCE was written: in the name of Georgia, Helsinki Final Act was signed not by the man who created the first ‘Helsinki Group’ in Soviet Union, the man who was elected in first free elections on the whole territory of the Soviet Union, but by a KGB General who specialized in the persecution of Helsinki Movement, head of notorious ‘Military Council’, who at that point had no signs of even fictitious legitimacy.

In August 1992, President Gamsakhurdia sent me to Lithuania to meet Vitautas Landsbergis, who along with Azeri leader Abulfaz Elchibey demonstrated principled standing in evaluating Georgian events, which was especially precious in the situation of conspiracy of silence and even approval of the ‘democratic revolution’. After Shevardnadze’s return to Georgia Landsbergis publicly stated:” Coup d’etat had taken place in Georgia. I doubt that even Mr. Shevardnadze’s international reputation is enough to legitimize it.” Elchibey, in turn, during Istanbul Summit in 1992 distanced himself from Shevardnadze: “you are not the elected leader of your country and I have to abstain from contacts with you.’ (This was recounted to me by Isa Ghambar – chairman of Azerbaijan Milli Mejlis (Parliament) in Baku, 1992). Lithuania was last European nation to establish diplomatic relations with Shevardnadze regime. After defeat in 1992 parliamentary elections, Landsbergis’ position towards Shevardnadze became even more radical.

In the name of President Gamsakhurdia, I thanked him for his support. He said it was the maximum he could do, because the attitude of major nations towards the Georgian events were not favorable. Parliamentary elections in Lithuania were near and the attitude of opposition - “modified” Communists - aggravated the situation as well. Nevertheless, he ruled out any possibilities to establish relations with a regime, which seized power by force. This was followed by warm recollections of Georgian solidarity during a difficult period for Lithuania in January 1991, when there was nonstop vigilance of volunteers on the barricades around Seim building in Vilnius, awaiting for Russian storm. Many Georgians were among those volunteers, among them – the signatory of Georgian Independence Act – Shalva Tsiklauri; Landsbergis also recollected the plane with medical and humanitarian aid that was sent from Georgia at the time. He asked me to describe Georgian situation in details and mentioned, by the way, that he was not familiar with any other case of parliament functioning in exile. He was also greatly interested in what was happening in Chechenia.

One of my aims was to check out the possibility of using Lithuania as a transit territory for President Gamsakhurdia (for that time Airport in Grozny was practically blocked by Russians, the only regular flight connection was with Vilnius). The answer was: 'I would be glad to help you. I can’t promise a guard of honor, but friendly welcome and shelter are guaranteed.' After transition to opposition, members of Landsbergis’ parliamentary fraction formed the Group of Support of Chechenia, which demanded the recognition of Chechen independence and collected dozens of thousands of signatures for that purpose. Their support also enabled the formation of a Permanent Representation of Chechen Republic in Lithuania.

In the middle of November 1992, the President told me to prepare for an international trip. I had no documents except the temporary ID, issued by Chechen interior ministry – my Georgian passport and ID were lost in Georgia, after my arrest. Zviad asked Chechen Foreign Ministry to resolve this problem and on the next day they provided me with an old Soviet international passport (*) decorated with a sickle and hammer.  At this time, air connection blockade was partially lifted and a charter flight from Grozny to Istanbul took place more or less regularly. Having no idea where and why I was going and informing only my wife about the trip, on the flight day November 23, early in the morning I went to Chekhov street Tower (**) for instructions only to find that I had a companion in that trip – Zviad Gamsakhurdia himself.