"The world breaks everyone and afterward many are strong at the broken places. But those that will not break it kills. It kills the very good and the very gentle and the very brave impartially. If you are none of these you can be sure it will kill you too but there will be no special hurry."

Ernest Hemingway, A Farewell to Arms


"I personally knew two Men of those “who will not break” and they happened to be Presidents of Georgia and Chechen Republic Ichkeria. They calmly welcomed certain death as a prize for their struggle..."

My Son, FB - post




Zviad Gamsakhurdia’s Visit to Europe


Nov 23 – Dec 17 1992



During the exile of legal Georgian Government in Chechenia, the urge for President Gamsakhurdia’s appearance in Europe was constantly in the air. Such a visit would attract the attention to the tragic events in Georgia, would help to cover them more objectively and break through the informational blockade around exiled Government, to at least partially neutralize a well-orchestrated misinformation campaign that has been conducted against it. To achieve this from Grozny seemed absolutely unrealistic, because since Johar Dudaev’s victorious election, Grozny itself was effectively isolated by Moscow, with Western media access having been reduced to virtually nothing. In turn, western media sources themselves were not demonstrating any special attempts to penetrate, mostly operating by worn out, but convenient cliches of “democrat Yeltsin” and “outlaw Dudaev”. To paint the whole picture, one should add here the background of permanent provocations, organized by Russia directly or by internal ‘opposition’ consisting overwhelmingly from Moscow’s fifth column elements. Situation was extremely explosive.

Zviad Gamsakhurdia’s least intent was to leave Chechenia for a safer place (as it is clearly seen from further developments of this story). There were two reasons for that: First – to be in Chechenia almost meant to be in Georgia, physically and mentally; Second – Zviad’s presence in Chechenia, due to his reputation and influence, was a great support for Chechens themselves, raising their morale in struggle against the common enemy and causing unprecedented revival of the spirit of Caucasian unity, almost quenched under two hundred years of Russian imperial rule. Therefore – only a short term visit was a matter of consideration.

First, failed attempt of this kind took place in the summer of 1992, when Georgia’s admittance to the OSCE came to agenda. It was planned on Helsinki Summit in July. Shortly before the summit OSCE observer mission (chairman – Eikenson (Belgium)) arrived to Georgia, observed the situation established after ‘democratic revolution’ through the windows of the banquet hall of Krtsanisi governmental guest-house in Tbilisi, and then traveled to the western Georgia, where they refused to meet the relatives (mostly – the mourning mothers of the young people killed) of the victims of the ‘Mkhedrioni’ (Shevardnadze- Ioselini paramilitary gang) punitive raids. Chairman called it ‘a show, which would have no impact on the general impression.’

Simultaneously, two middle-level diplomats from Czechoslovakia Moscow embassy, Milan Tokar and Iozef Vrobeca – both Slovaks – arrived to Grozny to meet President Gamsakhurdia (Czechoslovakia was Chairman of OSCE in 1992). Zviad described in great detail the military coup, which took place in Georgia and the situation that resulted from it, showed them abundant video materials of violent dispersals and shootings of peaceful rallies in Tbilisi, as well as‘Mkhedrioni’ raids in western Georgia, which visitors watched with almost demonstrative indifference. Zviad Gamsakhurdia categorically stated, that OSCE mission conclusion would be incomplete and one-sided without meeting legitimate President and Parliament, who had not resigned and still were functioning in exile (for that moment the session of the exiled Parliament had already been held in Grozny – a fact which hardly has another precedent in history, when exiled parliament gathered in another country). Slovaks replied, that OSCE mission to Georgia was extremely interested in that kind of meeting, but it was impossible to organize it, because it was practically impossible to get from Georgia to Grozny.

Zviad in their presence called Johar Dudaev and asked him if there was any possibility to bring the Mission from western Georgia to Grozny. Literary several minutes later Dudaev called back and said that Kyiv-Grozny regular flight was ready to land in Sokhumi airport in one hour’s time, in order to bring the mission, which was there at the time, directly to Grozny.

Slovaks lost the face and were forced to call the mission in Georgia to receive formal refusal to fly to Chechenia, which didn’t surprise anyone. This was followed by ‘we know everything, but sometimes circumstances are stronger that truth’ gibberish.

I brought these two diplomats to Shamil Beno - then foreign minister of the Chechen Republic. Chechens considered all rare foreign contact possibilities very valuable at that time – by absolutely understandable reasons. The diplomats listened to Beno’s information with stone faces. The meeting dragged on, until one of them whispered to me sarcastically: ‘I suppose there is no notion of protocol in Caucasus.’ I answered, that respect to guest here is higher than any protocol and nobody would 'bring a broom in'. To a mutual relief, the meeting ended soon afterwards.

It is not difficult to picture the scandal, that would follow Gamsakhurdia’s appearance on Helsinki Summit simultaneously with ‘Military Council” Chairman Shevardnadze. Despite energetic efforts of Aila Niinimaa-Keppo - the Chairman of Finnish-Georgian Society - and Heikki Riihijarvi - the member of the Parliament of Finland, Finnish Government not only refused to invite Gamsakhurdia officially, as the legitimate President, but even denied him a private/individual visa - decision doubtlessly going far beyond the competence of the government of a small, even independent country, like Finland. As a result, the most disgraceful and ridiculous page in the history of OSCE was written: in the name of Georgia, Helsinki Final Act was signed not by the man who created the first ‘Helsinki Group’ in Soviet Union, the man who was elected in first free elections on the whole territory of the Soviet Union, but by a KGB General who specialized in the persecution of Helsinki Movement, head of notorious ‘Military Council’, who at that point had no signs of even fictitious legitimacy.

In August 1992, President Gamsakhurdia sent me to Lithuania to meet Vitautas Landsbergis, who along with Azeri leader Abulfaz Elchibey demonstrated principled standing in evaluating Georgian events, which was especially precious in the situation of conspiracy of silence and even approval of the ‘democratic revolution’. After Shevardnadze’s return to Georgia Landsbergis publicly stated:” Coup d’etat had taken place in Georgia. I doubt that even Mr. Shevardnadze’s international reputation is enough to legitimize it.” Elchibey, in turn, during Istanbul Summit in 1992 distanced himself from Shevardnadze: “you are not the elected leader of your country and I have to abstain from contacts with you.’ (This was recounted to me by Isa Ghambar – chairman of Azerbaijan Milli Mejlis (Parliament) in Baku, 1992). Lithuania was last European nation to establish diplomatic relations with Shevardnadze regime. After defeat in 1992 parliamentary elections, Landsbergis’ position towards Shevardnadze became even more radical.

In the name of President Gamsakhurdia, I thanked him for his support. He said it was the maximum he could do, because the attitude of major nations towards the Georgian events were not favorable. Parliamentary elections in Lithuania were near and the attitude of opposition - “modified” Communists - aggravated the situation as well. Nevertheless, he ruled out any possibilities to establish relations with a regime, which seized power by force. This was followed by warm recollections of Georgian solidarity during a difficult period for Lithuania in January 1991, when there was nonstop vigilance of volunteers on the barricades around Seim building in Vilnius, awaiting for Russian storm. Many Georgians were among those volunteers, among them – the signatory of Georgian Independence Act – Shalva Tsiklauri; Landsbergis also recollected the plane with medical and humanitarian aid that was sent from Georgia at the time. He asked me to describe Georgian situation in details and mentioned, by the way, that he was not familiar with any other case of parliament functioning in exile. He was also greatly interested in what was happening in Chechenia.

One of my aims was to check out the possibility of using Lithuania as a transit territory for President Gamsakhurdia (for that time Airport in Grozny was practically blocked by Russians, the only regular flight connection was with Vilnius). The answer was: 'I would be glad to help you. I can’t promise a guard of honor, but friendly welcome and shelter are guaranteed.' After transition to opposition, members of Landsbergis’ parliamentary fraction formed the Group of Support of Chechenia, which demanded the recognition of Chechen independence and collected dozens of thousands of signatures for that purpose. Their support also enabled the formation of a Permanent Representation of Chechen Republic in Lithuania.

In the middle of November 1992, the President told me to prepare for an international trip. I had no documents except the temporary ID, issued by Chechen interior ministry – my Georgian passport and ID were lost in Georgia, after my arrest. Zviad asked Chechen Foreign Ministry to resolve this problem and on the next day they provided me with an old Soviet international passport (*) decorated with a sickle and hammer.  At this time, air connection blockade was partially lifted and a charter flight from Grozny to Istanbul took place more or less regularly. Having no idea where and why I was going and informing only my wife about the trip, on the flight day November 23, early in the morning I went to Chekhov street Tower (**) for instructions only to find that I had a companion in that trip – Zviad Gamsakhurdia himself.

* There were two kinds of passport in USSR, internal and external. Latter was not accessible for ordinary citizens.*

** Kolhi Tower - Gamsakhurdia family residence in Tbilisi. Was built by Konstantine, Zviad’s father, maître of Georgian literature. It was the “headquarter” of Georgian national liberation movement. So Governmental guest house on Chekhov street in Grozny, which Johar Dudaev put at disposal of Zviad and his family, and after Zviad’s death presented to his widow, was nicknamed “Tower”.**

We drove to the Grozny airport, mounted into empty plane and sat at the cockpit. Shortly afterwards, we were joined by the crew and the Chechen foreign minister Shamsuddin Usef (***), whom Johar Dudaev sent on to a special mission to Istanbul. This charter flight was only semi-legal and sometimes flew directly to Istanbul, while on other times it flew via Baku. This time Georgian air traffic control did not let it through Georgian air space and we flew along the Greater Caucasus and over the Black Sea.

*** Shamsuddin Usef – ethnic Chechen from Jordan. There is large Chechen diaspora in Jordan. Highly respected, representatives of this diaspora make guard of the king of Jordan, wearing Caucasian traditional chokha. His appointment as a minister largely was motivated by his alleged ties in Arab world. He supposedly had to play certain role in breaking through complete international blockade in which Chechens after declaration of independence found themselves with overthrown Legal government of Georgia. Shamsuddin replaced Shamil Beno, who used to make impression of just idle man, but lately turned out to be a Moscow’s implanted man. Shamsuddin Immediately defected as First Chechen War started and openly condemned Dudaev’s policies. Those who don’t know Chechens well, frequently talk about ‘pan-islamist’ and ‘fundamentalist’ attitudes, whereas in fact national pride and Caucasian unity sentiments are the most powerful ones (or at least were, when I was there). Picturesque example of this is related with some “activities” of Shamsuddin: in the ‘best traditions’ of Caucasian nepotism, he filled up ministry with his Jordanian relatives – the fact causing mixed feeling of humorous anger among Chechens, who immediately christened them ‘Bedouins’ and never referred to them otherwise. ‘Listen, have you seen our ‘Bedouins?’ - asked me acquaintance once.***

 In Istanbul we were warmly welcomed and invited to the VIP area by Aidin Kutlug – the CEO of Aslan Transmarin Shipping Trading and Industry Co. inc., our passports were taken and within minutes returned to us with entry visas in them. At that time Turkey practiced simplified visa on arrival (VOA) regime for the citizents of former Soviet Republics. From the Airport we headed to the company Head Office, where Ibrahim Aslan – proprietor of company, Members of Turkish Mejlis and other members of the company’s top management met us. Improvised lunch was organized. Aslan, who apparently had close ties with the family of Turgut Ozal (President of Turkey), had several times been in Grozny, once – along with Ozal’s son. Supposedly, he had serious interests related to Chechenia.

Without any exaggeration, Gamsakhurdia was met with presidential honors. Aslan asked Him about his plans, and Zviad answered that he is invited to Germany by IGFM (International Society for Human Rights) and intended to get there as soon as possible. Our Turkish host immediately sent one of the directors with our passports to German consulate to obtain a visa.

A curious fact took place during the lunch. Young man Zachariah Gundogdu, who was representative of company to UK asked Zviad: ‘I am ethnic Laz. Is it true, that we and Georgians are cousins?' Zviad answered with characteristic straightforwardness: ‘I am half Laz myself, Western Georgia is mainly inhabited by Lazs and Lazs and Georgians are not cousins, but just one and the same people.' It turned out, that half of the hosts, including MP-s happened to have Laz roots, and this kind of relation seemed to please everyone of them but not that much Aslan, I suspect. At this point, the man sent for the visas returned to us and reported with a certain level of shock: ‘I met the German Consul personally. When he heard about Gamsakhurdia, he became pale and blurted out that he could not solve this issue personally without consulting with Moscow (!) first.’ This ‘marvel’ of international cooperation caused thunders of laughter. It felt that Zviad had grown in their eyes even higher.

Aslan called his representative in Frankfurt, who guaranteed visa on arrival in Frankfurt, but Zviad rejected this possibility as childish ‘hooliganism’.

We called Aila Niinimaa-Keppo in Helsinki. She could not believe her ears, that we were in Istanbul and insisted: ‘Drop Germany for awhile, and come to Finland first. Our Foreign affairs ministry is so ashamed about their July refusal, they will grant a visa immediately to exonerate themselves.’ And she was right – we got Finnish visas on the very same day, even without filling out applications, as I remember.

We spent the night in Swiss Hotel. In the morning I noticed hardly hidden astonishment on the face of the waiter, who served breakfast to us. Later on Aydin Kutlug, who was accompanying us said that the man asked him in private, was that Gamsakhurdia or his double. This was strange for that kind of establishment where the personnel is not supposed to display any personal awareness or attention towards the guests .

Our Host met us with round-trip Istanbul-Helsinki tickets (Istanbul still was the only possible way to return to Grozny). Then emerged an unexpected opportunity – President Ozal, returning from a trip abroad was going to stay for several hours in Istanbul and Aslan offered to organize a short meeting between the two Presidents. Zviad willingly accepted. Shortly afterwards we rushed to the military airport, where Ozal's jet landed. When we arrived, the plane was almost ready to take off for a flight to Ankara. A brief and warm meeting took place directly on the runway. I stayed nearby. A contrast between the figures - tall and short- looked a bit comical. 'I am very happy to meet you personally,' said Ozal and Turned to Aslan 'Do everything in your power to help our neighbor in time of need.' On the way back Aslan seemed very pleased. He told Zviad: 'On your return, we will organize a longer and more serious meeting with Ozal in Ankara.'

On that evening we headed to Helsinki via Frankfurt and arrived to Vantaa Airport shortly after midnight, on November 25th. Zviad was met by a group of journalists, Aila Niinimaa, Leena Niinimaa (Aila's younger sister and devoted friend of Georgia) and other Finnish friends, Reno Siradze (Georgian emigrant) and Maia Tomadze (member of exiled parliament and famous opera singer, who was receiving medical treatment in Finland).

Zviad told the media: ‘I am happy to be here in Helsinki. I have strong ties with this place. I spent my whole my life in struggle for the principles declared in the Final Act of Helsinki Summit...' Not a single word of even indirect criticism towards Finnish government.

A vehicle with Finnish and Georgian flags drove us to the Holiday Inn Hotel. Next morning, big press-conference was held in the Hotel’s conference-hall. All major Finnish and Finland-based media outlets were present. Zviad stated that coup d’etat, which took place in Georgia was conspired against him by George Bush, honorable member of ‘Mkhedrioni’ James Baker and Gorbachev and carried out by communist nomenklatura and military units of Trascaucasian Miltary District . ‘This is a nomenklatura revenge,’ said Zviad and added that it is not a strictly Georgian phenomenon: ‘Look’ he said, ’almost everywhere in former Soviet Republics communists are taking back power. The most recent example is Lithuania. Western democracies have to be alerted.’ Several days before his arrival to Finland, in Lithuanian parliamentary elections Brazauskas, former communist leader prevailed. (Term nomenklatura revenge was used by Zviad for the first time in the article with same title, published in Christopher Story-s Soviet Analyst).

Zviad explained in details, that Shevardnadze’s Junta had dismissed government structures at all levels, including municipal, abolished the Constitution, thus endangering the territorial integrity of Georgia; He stated that the Regime ruthlessly persecutes the supporters of overthrown legitimate government; that the only aim of sending troops in Abkhazia was to crush massive campaign of civil disobedience, organized by Georgian population. He emphasized, that legitimate Georgian President and Parliament had not resigned and were still functioning in exile and the aim of this struggle was not to regain power, but to restore the rule of law. He said, that western media and human rights organizations with minor exceptions had turned a blind eye on all these facts. ‘At this rate, Georgia soon will be in the position of Somalia. The only remedy is the wide international isolation of the criminal regime.’

Immediately on the arrival to Helsinki Zviad learnt about an explosion in Zugdidi police station where several of his supporters, among them Slava Minjia, were killed. It was devastating for him. I had observed this huge feeling of personal responsibility – frequently for absolutely unknown people - on several other occasions as well. This case was mentioned on the press-conference, as an example of the terrorist character of the existing regime. AP correspondent asked: ‘What was your reaction on Finnish government’s decision to deny you of visa during OSCE summit?’ He answered: ’That was not the decision of Finland, but rather of the "world government".’

Finnish media coverage was comprehensive and quite objective - according to our Finnish friends. YLE 1 (Finnish public Broadcaster) commented: ‘Gamsakhurdia is strongly determined to return to the power peacefully. Are his positions in Georgia as strong as his words?” All major Finnish newspapers gave detailed reports on the press-conference.

Interesting episode took place before Zviad's arrival to Finland. Martti Backman, editor-in chief of second biggest newspaper Ilta Sanomat, described in a detailed TV interview, how he had become a victim of ‘dictator Gamsakhurdia’ cliché and an inadvertent participant of the international disinformation campaign against legitimate Georgian government. Videotape of this TV- program was provided by Aila Niinimaa, who played a major role in Backman’s ‘conversion’ - as he personally admitted. This abrupt U-tern in opinion, as he explained, was mainly caused by the fact, that after the return of ‘West’s darling’ and KGB general to Georgia, western media had been spreading only positive news about the country, where - as he had known, people were openly being shot in the streets. ‘Now I understand that the ‘dictatorship’ of Gamsakhurdia was a media-trick for the naive. Sorry, that I happened to be among them, though I never thought of myself as such.'

Once a victim of naivety, this time Backman suffered due to his honesty: After the airing of the TV-interview he resigned. It seemed that ‘swimming against the tide’ (****) was difficult everywhere. **** Famous comment of George Bush Senior on Zviad Gamsakhurdia on the occasion of Moscow Putch, when Zviad alluded, that Gorbachev might participate in it.”There’s a man who’s swimming against the tide” Bush said.****
Long and friendly conversation between Zviad Gamsakhurdia and Martti Backman took place in Finnish – Georgia Society office. Whether or not it resulted in any kind of publication from Mr. Bachman later on, I have no idea.

During a week-long visit in Finland many interesting meetings took place. The most interesting and important, was the reception in Parliament of Finland, organized by the head of Georgia group of Finnish Parliament, Heikki Riihijärvi in honour of Zviad Gamsakhurdia. Heikki himself was very versatile and interesting man. Captain of Finnish Army in Reserve, Bishop of the Lutheran Church, three-term member of Parliament, he belonged to the rarest category of politicians who are led not by notorious ’pragmatism’, but only by their own conscience. Not surprisingly, this kind of man had respect towards Zviad, which only deepened after their personal acquaintance.

This meeting was attended by MPs, journalists, members of Finnish-Georgia Society, among them – a well-known journalist and former dissident Heikki Eskelinen, whom Kekkonen had jailed in 1960s, and Heimo Rantala – founder and chairman of Finnish Helsinki group. Both come out with speeches, declaring support to President Gamsakhurdia’s struggle, stating that Finns, due to own bitter experience, could easily see who makes obstacles to the independence of Georgia and that this struggle without a doubt is for the independence of Georgia. It has to be noted that Georgian group of Finnish parliament, Finnish-Georgian Society, Helsinki Group of Finland have repeatedly and at different occasions appealed to the Western governments and international organizations, as well as Shevardnadze’s Regime on the situation in Georgia.

Heikki Riihijärvi adressed Zviad with the following words: 'To me, as a priest, that truly Christian restraint and respect of permanent values, which you follow in your struggle, are especially precious.’ After Zviad’s death, while living in Finland I have met Heikki plenty of times. Once in a friendly conversation he told me: ’Zviad was a true Christian and was fighting respectively, but against them one must act in a different way. Finnish struggle for independence was incomparably brutal. Several of my close relatives died in that war on the ’red’ side, but I think our independence was worth it; although many among us think otherwise nowadays...' In these words of his, captain in reserve sounded louder, than the man of clergy, I suppose.

At this meeting I said couple of words too, mentioning the fact that in Georgia parliament was overthrown along with the president; that the parliament continued functioning in exile and media is silent about it, because this fact clearly contradicts a fictitious image of a dictator.

There was a meeting in foreign ministry too – correct an empty. President Gamsakhurdia’s short statement was ’taken into account.’

Finnish businesman, Jussi X, who took main financial burden Zviad’s visit to Finland, invited us for a dinner in his club, which was attended by around ten guests. Dinner was served in a private room. From the neighboring hall we could hear loud singing – situation much more typical for Georgia than Finland. Zviad asked what was going on. It turned out, that the best and the oldest choir of Helsinki University was celebrating its annual meeting. Members of the choir were exclusively 'Finnish Swedes' (or Swedishspeaking Finns). Our host asked, where we bothered by the noise? Zviad answered, that on the contrary, the ’noise’ sounded beautiful. It seems, the source of ’noise’ was informed by Aila and they soon asked President Gamsakhurdia’s permission to sing a couple of songs in his honor. Zviad willingly consented and small room was immediately filled with well spirited singers of different ages – all in tails. Songs followed one another – small room was ready to fly up to the sky.

Memorable evening was arranged in Famous director, Karri Tikka’s home, where Zviad charmed everyone. Our diva Maia Tomadze was also there. Karri greatly helped Maia who was incurably ill and just finished the course of therapy. Maia sang marvelously, accompanied by Karri. Zviad asked Maia, whether she had Schubert’s Ave Maria in repertoire. Sadly she had not. 'I’d try to accompany you on the Piano’ said Zviad. Alas, the duet performance didn’t materialize.

Heimo Rantala also hosted us. At that nice evening, conversation turned to our yesterday’s Baltic allies in struggle against the Empire, most of them – shamelessly indifferent towards Georgian events. Our Host was indignant: ‘what a short memory those Estonian MPs have, who hid from Finnish government here, in my flat to avoid an extradition!’

We visited Uspenski cathedral, built in XIX century – now under rule of Finnish orthodox eparchy. One of the major sightseeing sites of Helsinki was closed at the time but they opened for Zviad’s sake, who lighted candles and prayed. For one full day Zviad was lost in Helsinki University library. We visited largest in Europe Suomen Akaateminen Kirjakauppa book store and got very sound presents there. Bystanders frequently recognized and greeted Zviad warmly.

In Helsinki, we once again applied for the visas to Germany. Consul privately told Aila, that it was useless, but categorically refused to give a negative answer in written form. In return, Zviad sent a letter by fax to Helmut Kohl. 'Since communist period I have been trying to visit Germany, where my father, famous Georgian writer, was educated and with which I, as a researcher, have a lot of ties. Communists did not let me out of my country, now you don’t let me in to yours. What are you afraid of? I am not planning to engage in any kind of political or - all the more so - ’destructive’ activities. It is just a private visit.' - Approximately that was the message of that letter. Needless to say that the letter was unanswered and we did not find out what Herr Kohl was afraid of.

This incident went public and got scandalous character when Frankfurter Allgemeine published article Metternich in Bohn: ’Zviad Gamsakhurdia has his own truth. Is it acceptable or not, we could not judge, but seemingly there is something very unpleasant for Chancellor Kohl in that truth otherwise why should he resist to let in one private person?’ - was the spirit of that article. The fact of the visa denial was attributed to the Chancellor unquestionably. Later on, German Ministry of Foreign Affairs shamelessly stated, that there was no refusal as we simply did not apply for visa (!).

Zviad’s unexpected appearance in Europe greatly disturbed ’Prominent Democrat’ and his European ’friends’. First symptoms become visible already in Finland, but full scale exposure of that disturbance took place later in Austria.

Meanwhile IGFM sent a new invitation – this time from Austrian divison of the organization (Chairwoman Katharina Grieb). Austrian Consulate granted 10-days single entry visa and at late night of December 1-st we arrived to Vienna. In the airport Zviad was met by son Konstantine, who arrived from Switzerland, Katharina Grieb, Wanda Wahnsiedler – coordinator of Eastern Europe section of IGFM, and firely supporter of Zviad, Fray Rusudan Shmidt-Manjgaladze, married in Berlin. We settled in modest Hotel Kugel. Proprietor, Herr Iohannes Roller was extremely proud to have such a dignitary guest. Well-looking old man with stance and manners resembled popular character from Georgian film – old prince and cavalry colonel Pipinia Eristavi. At 70 years of age, he handed business management to his son - ’one ship – one cap’, as he used to say - who was much less impressive than the father. Herr Roller himself regularly served breakfast for our small Georgian company. After Zviad gifted him a bottle of excellent Cognac, brought by Zviad’s friend Koki Gugushvili who came from Paris to visit him, the breakfast rite acquired even more solemnity, because it was enriched with a toast: 'Herr Prezident...' which was executed with military bearing.

Wanda and our hostess, Katharina Grieb were excited by baldness of Austrian government: 'Tiny Austria shook off the rust and gave good old slap to Germany...'  I knew Wanda by phone from Grozny, supplying her with information on human rights abuses in Georgia. Frequently it went the other way around as well – Wanda got firsthand information about violent dispersals of peaceful rallies, arrests, etc. directly from Tbilisi through ceaseless brave efforts of Nana Zumburidze, Zurab Shanidze, Maia Kereselidze and many other supporters of legitimate government, and communicate the information to Grozny. She was fluent in Russian and had a deep understanding of Soviet reality – daughter of ethnic Germans interned during WWII in USSR, she was born in one of the countless Gulag camps. In general, the role of IGFM in covering of Georgian events was unprecedented. It was practically the only international organization (apart from British Helsinki Group and already mentioned Finnish supporters) which did not turn a blind eye on crimes of Shevardnadze’s regime. Perhaps this integrity was the reason, why their UN accreditation was blocked twice: once by Soviet Union (because of Cuba) and once by US (because of Israel). Wanda told me: ’We have been ascribed the 'Right wing' political label, which impedes our work immensely.'

On December 2nd, TV ÖRF’s 10.00 PM news program’s first 10 minutes were completely dedicated to Zviad. Our hosts were happy with the quality of coverage, Zviad was too (I personally didn’t speak or understand German).

On the same day, after lunch-time we met with the speaker of the Human Rights Committee of Austrian Parliament, Dr. Höchtl, who seemed very benevolent. We were joking about ’swimming against the tide’ phrase used by President Bush in regards to Zviad and then about things, that follow the tide. He willingly received all materials we had at hand, promised to give them both to the ministers of defence as well as foreign affairs, and provide any possible help.

On december 3rd, the press-conference was held in press-club Concordia. First, Wanda presented materials collected by IGFM. Significant part of detailed report was dedicated to the ’Mkhedrioni’ punitive raids to Megrelia (western Georgia), especially events, developed in Tsalenjhikha. Video and photo materials were abundant, lists of political prisoners and arbitrary detainees – very detailed. Then Zviad answered numerous questions. It lasted for more than two hours, and after that individual interviews took place, among them with ИТАР-ТАСС (Russian State news Agency), Japanese Sehai -Nippo, Vatican newspaper, Austrian ÖVP and others.

On December 3, at 17:00 we held a meeting in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which was attended by the state secretary (midle level official) and some other representatives. These guys looked a bit scared and ready to repel an attack. Plus they played fools: ’We don’t know much about Georgian situation...' Zviad 'reassured' them: ’ I appreciate greatly that your government displayed much more integrity than German one. I am familiar with problems, which small countries like yours face and realize the amount of pressure that is exerted over you. Situation is the same in Finland...’ So all 'defensive' preparations were wasted in vain.

Meanwhile the interviews went on. On December 3, Rundfunk radio station aired a long interview. In the morning of December 4th Deutsche Funk aired very good live interview, at 1 pm - Österreich Funk dedicated 1 hour to Zviad, with detailed information about press-conference materials as well as airing a separate interview. This was further followed by an interview with the most popular radio station among young people. ’Putsch in Georgia happened because of Gamsakhurdia’s confrontation with communist mafia and Moscow’- was Journalist’s comments. Zviad’s words: ’We beat communists in free elections... In presidential elections I had five rival contenders...They try to depict me as an oriental type of tyrant and fascist... putsch was orchestrated and led by Gorbachev and Shevardnadze... ЗакВО (Russian for Transcaucasian military district) supplied putschists with arms and instructors...In Georgia, mafia has effectively replaced State institutions...’

In Vienna we received the copy of the documentary ’Shevardnadze Unveiled’ by brave and talented British documentalist Chris Venner. German version of this film was called ’Nomenklatura Revenge’. For me, this film is a model of professional integrity and civil heroism… It seemed very promising that the film was airedby the Discovery TV channel. We started to have the impression, that the ice of silence was slowly being broken...

On 4th of December, Wanda returned to Germany.

One day was dedicated to a trip to Saltzburg, where Zviad visited Mozart museum and gave an impromtu lecture in Goetheanum. The Lecture was dedicated to his and Merab Kostava’s struggle for spirituality in the epoch of totalitarianism, the role, which anthroposophy played in that struggle. Approximately hundred people attended.

Finnish and Austrian experiences clearly demonstrated, that the European tour of President Gamsakhurdia enjoyed sheer success in forming of public opinion (no one expected it to happen on the official level). That is why Zviad decided to cover as many countries, as possible. In Vienna we applied for visas at UK and French Consulates, where we have invitations (to England – from Charles Chkhotua). Also we applied to the consulate of Switzerland where Zviad’s son Konstantine lived at that time with his family, as a political refugee.

Now here begins the ’mystery part’ of the story, developing at a giddy pace.

Swiss General Consul invited Zviad and very delicately asked him about the purpose of his visit. Zviad answered, that the main purpose was to visit his grandsons - one of them, Zviad, was born abroad and has never been seen by his grandfather. Consul said that visit of the person of such importance puts great responsibility on the country and it would be important for them to know, where that important guest is intending to travel afterwards. ’Via Istanbul to Chechenia’-was short answer. ’Do you have a visa to Turkey?’ asked the Consul. ’There is simplified (VOA) regime in Tukey’ Answered Zviad. Consul (with snarky smile): ’I have different information on that subject..’

Situation was really thrilling! How or why on earth should a Swiss consul in Vienna know, what kind of visa regime is in Turkey for the citizens of Georgia? ’We won’t cause you any problems, positive decision has already been made, the only thing needed, is to see your Turkish visa and you immediately will get the Swiss ones...’ Council shows us out of the building with a charming smile. Clearly this was a trap. Zviad said ’let’s go to Turkish consulate’. I begged him: ’batono Zviad, please return to the hotel, I will go to check, what’s going on...’ ’No.’ We headed to the Turkish consulate. Immediately on our entrance to the consulate Zviad was recognized and fuss followed: ’Gamsakhurdia, Gamsakhurdia...’ Clearly he was expected. Zviad demanded immediate meeting with the Consul. After several minutes general consul, a female named Soysal received us. ’What is the matter?’ Zviad asked. ’Your passports are not valid on the territory of Turkey’ she answered. ’Since when?.’ ’Long ago.’ ’But with these very passports we crossed the border on November 23...’ I showed her the visa. She just shrugged. 'Valid for two hundred million people, except us?' She shrugged again. Zviad went silent...I asked the Consul: ’In Istanbul President Gamsakhurdia met with President Ozal. Have you heard about that?’ ’President Ozal is at the moment abroad. Besides, President is not the head of goverment, the Prime-minister is, and I am a government official’ she answered (Demirel was the prime-minister at that moment.) ’Is visa necessary to enter the Istanbul airport transit area?’ I asked. ’I can’t answer that question right now (!). I need some time to process that. Live your phone number and I’ll let you know...’ It was clearly useless to continue the conversation... Consul’s last words were unexpectedly sincere: ’I am just an official, not a decision-maker...’

We returned to the hotel. Zviad asked to call our Istanbul host, who promised to organize a meeting with Ozal on the way back. They said that he went to Russia and did not leave a phone number (!). With great difficulty I reached the company director, who followed us in Istanbul. ’Please explain, what is going on?’ ’ Have no idea’ - seems (sounds) scared. I couldn’t find out anything. Zviad said: ’Try to contact that Laz man. Zacharia.’ Luckily, I found his card and managed to call him. He was scared but sincere: ’Bad news.’ he says ’In couple of days time after your departure leading newspaper (Milliyet maybe, don’t remember exactly) published material about Dudaev and Gamsakhurdia supplying arms to Curdish separatists...Everyone realizes the absurdity of this, but campaign obviously is sponsored by very influential forces.’ ’ Is visa necessary to enter the transit area in Istanbul?’ ’No, usualy not.’

All this happens on December 7, and December 10 is the expiration date of the Austrian visas. From Grozny comes another ’good news’ that the old charter flight was banned by ICAO and the nearest new one is planned through Baku on December 12. Situation was gradually deteriorating. Frau Grieb asks Austrian foreign ministry to prolong the visas. Answer is negative. Charles Chkhotua from London lets us know that Foreign Office refuses to give visa, but is reluctant to answer officially. Similar information comes from France. Meanwhile Frau Grieb disappears: She is not in office, and her son answers by phone: ’Would be glad to know were my mother might be...’ In Berlin Rusudan Schmidt’s husband Ervin Schmidt is severely beaten by several unidentified men, who accompany beating by words: ’where is your blackish wife hanging around...’ Police indifferently allude on possible skinhead attack. I call Wanda – she is astonished and helpless. Trying to get in touch with Árpád Göncz, with whom Zviad had telephone conversation and got personal invitation – not available. Trying to rich Elchibey or Gamidov (ministry of Interior) in Baku – not available.

In parrallel to this situation another wave of ’strange’ events began. Calls come from everywhere: Kote Nadirashvili, big boss from ’Radio Liberty’, Claude Cemularia, influential Georgian emigrant in France, (these are only the ones I personally know off) – all with proposals to negotiate with Shevardnadze, with guarantees etc.. Zviad’s answers are uniform: ’ Let him resign, admit, what he has committed, and I will grant him absolute immunity.’ Seems to me, this kind of proposals were not unfamiliar to him. Somewhat more disturbing was the same offer, which came from Shamsuddin Usef who already had returned to Grozny from unsuccessful Arab tour. Difficult to say, whether or not this was his own idea or the part of the general wave.

On December 10th, in the morning, Zacharia communicates from Istanbul: ’There is an official statement That Zviad is not allowed to enter Turkey.’ Otto Von Habsburg (*****) with whom Zviad has had permanent telephone contact, promised to help in prolonging of Austrian visas: 'The nearer the dawn the darker the night, Mr. President...’

***** Otto Von Habsburg – founding father of European integration, Vice-President of European Parliament, Crown Prince of Austria, devoted friend of Georgia. The only politician of the international standing, who never left unanswered Prezident Gamsakhurdia’s official appeals or informal friendly requests. He did everything to denounce Shevardnadze’s illegal regime.*****
Situation is nearly desperate. Let’s say we ignore Turkish government threats, fly to Istanbul and stay in the transit area. Who is to say, that the plane from Grozny will be allowed in? And that is exactly what happened in reality: Flight which took off from Grozny on December 12th under Azerbaijan flag was stopped in Baku for indefinite time, because it was not allowed by Turkey!

Supposedly they were not intending to detain or moreover, extradite President Gamskhurdia. What then was the purpose of this comedy, played jointly with Swiss and Turkish consuls? What appeared to be the goal for all of this was to remove Zviad from Caucasus - by all means necessary. Since the return route to Chechenia was cut – the only logical way out for Zviad was to ask for a political asylum in Austria or elsewhere. I am sure that would be granted immediately. But Zviad cut that ’logic’ out point-blank: ’that is capitulation...’ We call to Grozny – the plane is still stuck in Baku.

This situation continued until December 13th. Our visas expired. Habsburg called: ’I talked to foreign ministry and they will prolong it on Monday (it was a saturday evening.) Meanwhile Vitautas Eidukaitis popped up in Grozny. Soviet Air force Colonel, serving under General Dudaev in strategic aviation unit, he stayed Johar’s comrade-in-arms after retirement, frequently visited Grozny and did his best in helping Chechens in their struggle. Vitas offers Zviad: ’Fly to Vilnius, I’ll arrange your reception, and Johar will send a plane.’ Vitas was close to Landsbergis, but what about former (if there exist any) Communists, who had already regained power in Lithuania? Vitas insists on this plan assuming all responsibility, but does it from Grozny, not from Vilnius! Zviad says: 'it’s the only chance for our return'.

After midnight on December 14th, I went to Vienna airport and changed open Vienna-Istanbul tickets to Vienna-Vilnius ones. Returned to the hotel. After one and a half hour’s time they let us know from Grozny, that the plane stopped in Baku for 2 days, took off for Istanbul!

In the morning we said goodbye to Konstantine and Rusudan and left Vienna by OS633 flight at 11:55 hour. We went through the passport control with expired visas. Landed in Vilnius at 2:50 PM. It was rainy. Near the stairs, right on the runway, there appeared two black cars and several typical ’guys in civilian’ - in trench coats with raised collars and hats. I asked Zviad: ’Please wait here, after all the plane is Austrian territory – I will go and find out, what the situation is.’ He nodded absentmindedly and when the door opened was the first to leave the plane. One of those guys approached: ’Mr. Gamsakhurdia?’ ’Yes.’ ’Vitautas Ramanauskas (Name is what Eiducaitis promised). Welcome to Lithuania.’ We got into the cars: Zviad, I, Ramanauskas and driver in one, others in another. Ramanauskas asked for our passports and sent them away with someone. It took couple of minutes to get them back. There were only entry stamps in them. We left the terminal with the cars through gates, without going through any customs control. Several minutes passed in complete silence; Zviad was silent and I remember thinking that Lithuanians are not particularly talkative.

We arrived to the governmental guest-house in the central part of Vilnius.. Ramanauskas explained, that it had been just privatized by hotel ’Draugiste’ but was still out of use and absolutely empty – no guests, no personnel. We were settled in two story house. Territory was surrounded by high soviet-style fence and there was a checkpoint with an armed soldier at the entrance. Ramanauskas explained to me what was where and left.

There was certain comicality in that uncertain situation – where were we? With hospitable friends or under comfortable house arrest? Telling Zviad that I was short of cigarettes, I went to the gates. A soldier opened them silently, I bought a package at the nearest booth and returned. I relaxed at last. I called to Grozny and learned, that Vitas will arrive on December 16th. I called to Vienna to let them know that we were safe. By the way, after our departure Turkish consul called to refuse to grant even transit visa.

Next morning Ramanuskas came for a visit and we did some sightseeing in Vilnius. Later he asked Zviad: ’My wife has prepared a homely dinner for you, and besides is crazy about meeting you in person. Would you find it annoying if she comes? Zviad willingly agreed and Ramanauskas and his wife came to the guest house. We dined together.

At late evening Lansbergis came in unexpectedly. He looked tired and aged. Two men met warmly. ’How did you manage to lose to Communists?’- asked Zviad straightforwardly. I left the room unnoticed and did not hear the explanation. The meeting lasted for about two hours.

Om December 16th, exactly as promised, charter Tupolev-134 arrived from Grozny with Vitas and Soso Toria (Zviad’s bodyguard) among passengers. Vitas was boastful like a Chechen: ’What a trick I did to Communists! They still have no idea that Zviad is in Lithuania.' And surely he had what to boast about!

On December 17, Vitas registered new flight number and route for the plane – as if it was a charter flight to Baku. Zviad, I and Soso mounted in empty plane, which took off to ’Baku’ at 6:45 PM. Three hours later the plane made unexpected (for air trafic controllers) maneuver over Grozny and landed there. When leaving the plane, Zviad said: ’Returning here is like finding a needle in the stack of the hay.”

Several months after Zviad’s return to Grozny, President of Turkey Turgut Ozal died from a suspicious heart attack...

Merab Kiknadze

Signatory of the Act of Restoration of State Independence of Georgia

Grozny – Istanbul – Helsinki -Vienna – Villnius - Tbilisi

1992 - 2005